Tim Samick, a laid-off factory worker from Elk County, Pa., laments the chances of finding a good job as he passes the time at the VFW on Main Street in Ridgway, Pa. Officials and residents of this struggling manufacturing community are learning they will receive no immediate transportation money from the economic stimulus plan despite their 13.8 percent unemployment rate. Counties suffering the most from job losses are receiving the least help so far from President Obama's plan to spend billions of stimulus dollars on roads and bridges, an Associated Press analysis has found.

WASHINGTON – Counties suffering the most from job losses stand to receive the least help from President Barack Obama’s plan to spend billions of stimulus dollars on roads and bridges, an Associated Press analysis has found.

Although the intent of the money is to put people back to work, AP’s review of more than 5,500 planned transportation projects nationwide reveals that states are planning to spend the stimulus in communities where jobless rates are already lower.

One result among many: Elk County, Pa., isn’t receiving any road money despite its 13.8 percent unemployment rate. Yet the military and college community of Riley County, Kan., with its 3.4 percent unemployment, will benefit from about $56 million to build a highway, improve an intersection and restore a historic farmhouse.

Altogether, the government is set to spend 50 percent more per person in areas with the lowest unemployment than it will in communities with the highest.

The AP reviewed $18.9 billion in projects, the most complete picture available of where states plan to spend the first wave of highway money. The projects account for about half of the $38 billion set aside for states and local governments to spend on roads, bridges and infrastructure in the stimulus plan.

The very promise that Obama made, to spend money quickly and create jobs, is locking out many struggling communities needing those jobs.

The money goes to projects ready to start. But many struggling communities don’t have projects waiting on a shelf. They couldn’t afford the millions of dollars for preparation and plans that often is required.

“It’s not fair,” said Martin Schuller, the borough manager in the Elk County seat of Ridgway, who commiserates about the inequity in highway aid with colleagues in nearby towns. “It’s a joke because we’re not going to get it, because we don’t have any projects ready to go.”

The early trend seen in the AP analysis runs counter to expectations raised by Obama, that road and infrastructure money from the historic $787 billion stimulus plan would create jobs in areas most devastated by layoffs and plant closings. Transportation money, he said, would mean paychecks for “folks looking for work” and “folks who want to work.”

“That’s the core of my plan, putting people to work doing the work that America needs done,” Obama said in a Feb. 11 speech promoting transportation spending as a way to expand employment.

Also, Congress required states to use some of the highway money for projects in economically distressed areas, but didn’t impose sanctions if they didn’t. States can lose money, however, if they don’t spend fast enough.

The AP examined the earliest projects announced nationwide, the ones most likely to break ground and create jobs first. More projects are continually being announced, and some areas that received little or no help so far may benefit later. The Obama administration could also encourage states to change their plans.

To determine whether there was a disparity in where the money would go, the AP divided the nation’s counties into four groups by unemployment levels. The analysis found that, no matter how the early money is measured, communities suffering most fare the worst:

• High-unemployment counties, those in the top quarter of jobless rates, are allotted about 16 percent of the money, compared with about 20 percent for areas least affected by joblessness.

• In low-unemployment counties nationwide, those in the bottom quarter of jobless rates, the federal government is spending about $89 a person compared with $59 a person in the worst-hit areas.

• In counties with the largest populations, the government is spending about $69 a person in areas with the lowest unemployment and $40 a person in places with the greatest job need.

The analysis also found that counties with the highest unemployment are most likely to have been passed over completely in the early spending.

Among them: Wheeler County, Ore.; Steuben County, Ind.; Macon County, Ga.; and Crowley County, Colo.

Many others are getting minimal help in this round: Vermillion County, Ind.; Lapeer County, Mich.; Presidio County, Texas; Tallahatchi County, Miss.

Those counties still will benefit from job creation elsewhere in their states, said Lana Hurdle, a Transportation official overseeing the agency’s stimulus money.

“Even if you have to drive to it, it’s better than no job,” Hurdle said.

Joel Szabat, who also oversees the stimulus for the Transportation Department, said the agency presses states to build projects in struggling areas but does not normally consider how much money is going to each county.

Presented with AP’s findings, he said: “I will be going back to ask our folks to do this kind of analysis, the overall amount for the projects.”

“Our goal, and I think it is a goal that will be achieved, is that you will see that a fair share of this money will go to these areas,” Szabat said.

Obama’s plan sends $38 billion to states and local governments for roads, bridges, transit and other infrastructure, about 5 percent of the overall program that also includes money for, among other things, schools, community development, technology, worker training and tax breaks.

All counties will receive some stimulus relief eventually. But the haste voiced by the White House is not reflected in the flow of highway money so far.

“We cannot wait,” Vice President Joe Biden said last week when announcing a $30 million transit project in his hometown of Wilmington, Del., where the 7.7 percent unemployment rate remains below the national average. “We’re spending a lot of time and money. Why? It’s about … jobs, jobs, jobs, jobs. That’s why we cannot wait.”

Yet residents of Perry County, Tenn., will have to wait. County Mayor John Carroll said he’s disappointed his community, which suffers from 25.4 percent unemployment, won’t receive a dime any time soon for its road needs.

“It’s pretty easy to draw a connection between the high unemployment rate and the lack of any four-lane highways,” he said.

Federal auditors acknowledge they can’t yet track the transportation money that is leaving Washington and there is no single list of the thousands of projects planned in each state. For its analysis, the AP used lists of projects approved through March by the Transportation Department and collected lists of stimulus projects that have been announced in 49 states, Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands.

Federal officials have approved 2,800 projects. The remaining projects on the AP list represent the states’ official plans for the money. Only Virginia, which has not announced its plan, is not included.

As the number of projects grows, places like Elk County, Pa., could still be left out because they could not afford the upfront costs needed to put proposals in the pipeline.

“It’s all based on this ‘shovel readiness,”‘ said Elk County Commissioner Daniel Freeburg. “That’s been our stumbling block.”

Elk County surely could use jobs. The once thriving north central Pennsylvania county is home to metal factories that equip the nation’s auto industry. Layoffs are mounting.

Freeburg is pinning hopes on getting future stimulus money, such as for energy conservation programs, that will create jobs and rekindle the local metal and lumber industries.

In promoting his plan, Obama went to hard-hit communities such as Elkhart, Ind., and Peoria, Ill., and promised the jobs would come.

“Now, I know that some of you might be thinking, ‘Well that all sounds good, but when are we going to see any of that here in Elkhart?”‘ Obama said. “‘What does all that mean for our families and our community?’ Those are exactly the kind of questions you should be asking of your president and your government.”

Obama kept his promise to Elkhart, which so far is expected to receive $13.7 million, and Peoria, which should receive at least $10.6 million. But other, similar counties have not been so lucky.

For now, laid-off workers in Elk County, Pa., question why they’ve missed out, while money flows to more prosperous places.

“Why are they helping them?” asked Wendy Cameron, 50, of Saint Marys, Pa., who lost her job in a metal factory last year. She doesn’t have health insurance and would gladly take road work. “They’re not in need. We are.

“What are these people going to do? Is everybody going to go on welfare? I’ve never been on welfare. I don’t want to be on welfare.”

Associated Press writer Cal Woodward contributed to this report.

———

ON THE WEB

Interactive tracking stimulus money on a map: tinyurl.com/orulga

By Brett J. Blackledge, Matt Apuzzo

WASHINGTON – A peanut processing plant in Texas run by the same company blamed for a national salmonella outbreak operated for years uninspected and unlicensed by government health officials, The Associated Press has learned.

The Peanut Corp. of America plant in Plainview never was inspected until after the company fell under investigation by the Food and Drug Administration, according to Texas health records obtained by AP.

Once inspectors learned about the Texas plant, they found no sign of salmonella there. But new details about that plant — including how it could have operated unlicensed for nearly four years — raise questions about the adequacy of government efforts to keep the nation’s food supply safe. Texas is among states where the FDA relies on state inspectors to oversee food safety.

The problem is “not a completely uncommon occurrence,” said Cornell University food science professor Joseph Hotchkiss.

The salmonella outbreak was traced to the company’s sister plant in Blakely, Ga., where inspectors found roaches, mold, a leaking roof and internal records of more than a dozen positive tests for salmonella.

The outbreak so far has resulted in more than 500 reported illnesses, led to an expansive recall and caused as many as eight deaths. The government is working on a criminal investigation in the case.

In Texas, inspector Patrick Moore of the Department of State Health Services was sent to Plainview, in the sparsely populated Texas Panhandle, after salmonella was traced to the company’s plant in Georgia. Moore said the Texas plant wasn’t licensed with health officials and had never been inspected since it opened in March 2005. Texas requires food manufacturers to be licensed every two years and routinely inspected.

“I was not aware this plant was in operation and did not know (what) type of products processed,” Moore wrote in an inspection report obtained by AP.

The plant is registered with the Texas Comptroller of Public Accounts to do business as Plainview Peanut Co. LLC, according to state records. But the company “was unable to present evidence at the time of the inspection of a current food manufacturers license,” Moore wrote in his report.

The plant was properly registered with the FDA as a food processing plant, said David Glasgow, director of the agency’s investigations branch in Dallas.

Margaret Glavin, a retired senior FDA official said those registrations don’t help much. She said food producers are required to register under the Bioterrorism Act of 2002, but there is no reliable database that is regularly updated to aid food inspectors. Some companies are listed multiple times, and others remain on the government’s list even after they go out of business.

“The database is terrible,” said Glavin, who recently stepped down as associate commissioner for FDA’s regulator affairs.

FDA inspectors went through the Texas plant two weeks ago after the state inspection and did not find salmonella or other problems, Glasgow said.

The disconnect between the company’s FDA registration and its failure to register in Georgia underscores a broader problem in the country’s

Texas ordered its inspection Jan. 12 during the FDA’s investigation of the Georgia plant, after it received reports that Peanut Corp. was operating the plant in Plainview, health services spokesman Doug McBride said. Texas requires food companies to obtain two-year licenses but doesn’t have enough money or inspectors to catch companies that don’t.

“We can’t drive up and down the street to know what people are doing behind closed doors,” McBride said.

Moore reported some unsanitary conditions, such as unclean sections of a peanut roasting line. But several internal company laboratory tests dating back to November found no salmonella or other contaminants, according to documents included in Moore’s report.

Plant manager Jesus Garrocho told Moore that he sent Texas health department forms to the company’s Virginia headquarters more than a year ago and did not know why the licensing forms were not completed.

Moore said the plant manager promised during the January inspection to register the plant with state health officials: “He will make sure this gets in and paid,” Moore wrote.

McBride said the company still hasn’t done so.

“Our first preference is not to go out and shut somebody down and wipe out jobs and income,” he said. “Our philosophy in any of our regulatory programs is to try to get a company in compliance.”

The plant is the subject of a complaint filed since the state’s inspection Jan. 12, and is scheduled for a new inspection in coming weeks, McBride said. He would not provide details about the complaint.

Garrocho referred questions to company lawyers. Amy Rotenberg, a Minneapolis lawyer representing Peanut Corp., declined to comment.

The Texas plant blanches, dry roasts, oil-roasts and chops peanuts, then ships them to food companies across the country. The Georgia plant also processes peanuts, and produces peanut paste and peanut butter.

Associated Press writer Seth Borenstein contributed to this report.

He and team reportedly cleared in Illinois governor case

U.S. Attorney Patrick Fitzgerald

WASHINGTON – In the midst of two wars and an intensifying economic meltdown, Barack Obama had to take time off last week to answer questions from federal prosecutors investigating charges that the governor of Illinois had put the president-elect’s former Senate seat up for sale.

With his own lawyer by his side, Obama sat down Thursday with U.S. Attorney Patrick Fitzgerald’s staff to tell what, if anything, he knew about Gov. Rod Blagojevich’s efforts to cash in on appointing Obama’s Senate successor.

For Obama, swept into the presidency on a promise of new politics stripped of past corruption and scandal, the interview was a fascinating revelation in a report that, as promised, said neither he nor anyone on his transition team did anything wrong.

Prosecutors already have said Obama is not implicated in the case. And Obama has insisted that his aides did nothing inappropriate.

But the scandal clearly has had its impact on the man who only weeks earlier was rejoicing with a nation over his historic rise to the presidency.

While Obama hasn’t offered details about his interview with investigators, he released the results of his internal investigation Tuesday that he had withheld for a week until investigators finished their discussions with him and two of his closest advisers.

Obama’s report, researched and written by his incoming White House lawyer, Greg Craig, states that he had no contact with Blagojevich or the governor’s staff about the appointment. And no one representing the president-elect did anything wrong or had any knowledge that Blagojevich was scheming, Obama’s report states.

“We are satisfied there was nothing inappropriate that took place here, either in terms of conversations or communications or contacts, between transition officials and the governor’s office,” Craig said after releasing the internal review.

Incoming chief of staff Rahm Emanuel and presidential adviser Valerie Jarrett brought their own lawyers with them to discuss with investigators what they knew about Blagojevich’s efforts to fill the Senate vacancy. Neither are targets in the federal case, but Emanuel is on FBI recordings made of conversations about the appointment, a transition source said.

The source requested anonymity because the person was not authorized to publicly discuss details that are not in the report.

Emanuel was the only Obama transition team member who discussed the Senate appointment with Blagojevich, and those conversations were “totally appropriate and acceptable,” Craig said Tuesday. No one on Obama’s transition team discussed any deals or had any knowledge of deals, Craig’s report said.

Craig’s report identified close Obama friend Eric Whitaker as someone approached by one of Blagojevich’s top aides to learn “who, if anyone, had the authority to speak for the president-elect” about the Senate appointment.

The report states that Obama told Whitaker that “no one was authorized to speak for him” and that “he had no interest in dictating the result of the selection process.”

Blagojevich was charged on Dec. 9 with plotting to use his governor’s authority to appoint Obama’s Senate replacement and make state appointments and contracts in exchange for cash and other favors. He has denied any criminal wrongdoing and has resisted multiple calls for his resignation, including one from Obama.

Blagojevich attorney Edward M. Genson, who has said allegations that the governor was trying to sell or trade the Senate seat are built on nothing but talk, said Obama’s report proves his point.

“I’ve said from the beginning that there was nothing inappropriate, and this just corroborates what I’ve said,” Genson said.

Prosecutors have accused Blagojevich of scheming with aides and advisers to reap some personal benefit in the Senate appointment, starting days before Obama’s Nov. 4 election through Dec. 5. Their conversations are characterized and quoted in the criminal complaint, including discussions about swapping the appointment if Obama provided a Cabinet post, an ambassadorship and help raising millions for a private foundation that Blagojevich could tap for personal use.

But Obama’s report says none of Blagojevich’s aides reached out to the president-elect’s staff. Only the contact with Whitaker is noted in the report.

Emanuel’s contacts with the governor and his staff are identified in Obama’s report.

During Emanuel’s interview Saturday with federal authorities, he listened to a taped recording of at least one conversation he had with Blagojevich’s office, according to a transition official who spoke on condition of anonymity because the person was not authorized to discuss information not included in the report.

Craig’s report states that Emanuel had “one or two telephone calls” with Blagojevich and four conversations with John Harris, the governor’s chief of staff who later resigned after being charged in the federal case. Craig told reporters Emanuel said he couldn’t be sure it was only one call.

Harris’ lawyer, James Sotos, declined to comment Tuesday.

Emanuel left for a long-planned family vacation in Africa on Tuesday and was not available for comment.

The report was released in Washington while Obama was vacationing in Hawaii. The president-elect did not make himself available for questions.

The report said Obama authorized Emanuel to pass on the names of four people he considered to be highly qualified to take over his seat — Illinois Comptroller Dan Hynes, Illinois Veterans’ Affairs Director Tammy Duckworth, Rep. Jan Schakowsky and Rep. Jesse Jackson Jr.

Obama later offered other names of what he thought were qualified candidates, including Attorney General Lisa Madigan and Chicago Urban League Director Cheryle Jackson, the report said.

“Mr. Harris did not make any effort to extract a personal benefit for the governor in any of these conversations,” the report said. There was no discussion of a Cabinet position, creation of a nonprofit foundation for Blagojevich, a private sector position or of any other personal benefit for the governor, according to the report.

The report said that earlier, Emanuel recommended Jarrett for the Senate seat without Obama’s knowledge, and Jarrett later accepted a job as a senior White House adviser.

Obama’s report states Jarrett did not have any contact with the governor or his staff about the appointment, and had no sense Blagojevich was seeking something in exchange. But she discussed the appointment with Tom Balanoff, the head of the Illinois chapter of the Service Employees International Union, the report states.

An SEIU official is referenced, but not named, in an FBI affidavit filed with the federal complaint against Blagojevich. Blagojevich is quoted as discussing some of his schemes with a union official.

Balanoff, identified as one of the unnamed parties referenced in the affidavit, told Jarrett that he spoke to the governor about her possible appointment to the Senate, the Obama report says. In that conversation, Balanoff also told Jarrett that the governor “raised with him the question” of being appointed Obama’s health and human services secretary.

The governor told advisers in a Nov. 10 discussion that “it was unlikely” Obama would give him the HHS appointment or an ambassadorship, and he discussed other favors he could seek, according to the complaint.

Associated Press writers Jennifer Loven and Ben Feller in Washington, and Mike Robinson in Chicago, contributed to this report.

By Brett J. Blackledge, Nedra Pickler

ANCHORAGE, Alaska – Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin, whose reformer image took a hit in a report concluding she abused her powers to settle a family score, has skirted state ethics rules before for personal benefit and used her office to help friends and supporters, according to an Associated Press review of records.

Palin’s first try at statewide office, after six years as mayor of Wasilla, was an unsuccessful run for lieutenant governor in 2002. To raise money, she improperly used her City Hall office and equipment, city records show. A year later she would make headlines by blasting a fellow Republican for, among other things, improperly using his government position to boost his campaign.

Then, in 2006, Palin won the governor’s race with a vow to reform state ethics. But in less than two years, she has repeatedly taken actions that violated her own stated standards for ethical behavior — if not state law. In the process, the Republican vice presidential nominee has become much like the old-school politicians she attacked during her rise to power.

Some examples:

—She pummeled opponents for giving oil companies and other businesses too much control of state government. Yet she appointed the founder of an engineering firm that received $6.8 million in state business as head of the transportation department.

—She has accepted dozens of gifts worth tens of thousands of dollars since taking office, including two free trips last year that she failed to report on disclosure forms, despite criticizing state legislators for the gifts they take.

—She is under another investigation, accused of misusing her office to campaign against a voter referendum calling for tighter mining regulations. Her husband, Todd, has accepted free trips from a mining company to look at their proposed new site.

—Another ethics complaint, unresolved, accuses her staff of finding a state job for a friend and campaign contributor.

Last week, an investigation by the Alaska legislature found that Palin, running mate to Republican presidential candidate John McCain, abused her powers when she and her husband improperly pressured the state public safety commissioner to fire her sister’s ex-husband, a state trooper. The brother-in-law was never fired, but Palin fired the commissioner in July.

“It’s all about the power, and it frightens me,” said state Rep. Beth Kerttula, a Juneau Democrat who like many in the minority party have supported Palin on some issues, including energy policy. “She doesn’t seem to know where the boundaries are.”

Even critics concede that Palin deserves credit for working with legislators to toughen state ethics laws and for providing more information to taxpayers about state spending. She advocated restrictions on lobbyists’ giving, increased disclosure requirements for public officials and posted state spending details on the Internet.

Palin also risked her own political future by exposing unethical behavior by other public officials, even those in her own party.

But they say she often claims the ethical high ground when she hasn’t been above questionable behavior herself.

“She’s very good at reading the public’s discontent and pandering to it,” said Larry Persily, who worked in the governor’s Washington, D.C., office until resigning earlier this year.

Palin faced questions during her 2006 gubernatorial race about her use of the Wasilla mayor’s office four years earlier to run for lieutenant governor. Palin used city staff and office equipment — including a fax machine, computers for e-mail and a City Hall phone number — to run her campaign, according to city records.

She apologized for those transgressions in 2006, but only this month acknowledged to the AP that the city initially paid for a campaign flight in that 2002 race and that weeks later she reimbursed the city.

“According to people who worked with her at the time, the travel agency inadvertently billed the city rather than her personally,” McCain campaign spokesman Taylor Griffin said in a written statement. “To ensure that it was corrected immediately, she reimbursed Wasilla and the campaign later reimbursed her. It’s an example of Gov. Palin’s commitment to the highest standards of ethics.”

Palin brushed the issue aside when she ran for governor, arguing it was nothing more than an opponent’s smear campaign.

She has cast herself as Alaska’s ethics watchdog. In her most dramatic move, she revealed in 2003 that the state’s Republican Party leader was campaigning from his state job. She then challenged incumbent Gov. Frank Murkowski two years ago on a platform of government reform.

After her victory, though, Palin reverted to political tradition, rewarding even marginally qualified friends and campaign backers with high-level positions.

A friend from her Wasilla High School class was named to manage the state’s agriculture office after a career in real estate. A family friend and campaign worker became head of the state agency that invests Alaska’s oil revenue. Her real estate agent’s husband received an appointment to the state real estate board.

Palin’s biggest political splash was from attacking the big oil companies that she said ran the state. She challenged their political power, and promised voters that her administration would avoid cozy relationships with business.

But one of her first cabinet appointments didn’t live up to that pledge.

Leo von Scheben, a co-founder of Anchorage-based USKH Inc. engineering firm, took over the state’s Department of Transportation and Public Facilities, and his firm’s state business increased, records show. USKH received $6.8 million in state transportation contracts last year, up 13 percent from $6 million the year before.

Von Scheben stopped taking a salary and all benefits from the company when he stepped into the state job. But he didn’t sever all financial ties. Von Scheben receives annual stock payments that he arranged before he left the company in 2007 that will continue for 10 years, according to his financial disclosure forms.

Von Scheben said he has recused himself on projects pursued by the firm and that others in the agency select companies to receive state business. He said he believes his appointment may have cost his former company state business, although he doesn’t regret taking the job.

“If the state can’t draw on some private sector people, they’re missing out,” he said.

Palin claims passage of broad ethics reforms as an accomplishment following state corruption scandals. But Palin didn’t report as gifts two free trips she received in 2007 as legislators were debating the new ethics law.

“This is simply a rare oversight, nothing more,” campaign spokesman Griffin said when asked about the omissions by the AP.

Palin has, in fact, reported most of her gifts on her annual financial disclosure forms, something her predecessor never did, according to Alaska Public Offices Commission records.

The unreported paid trips:

—The $2,988 cost of Palin’s April 2007 flight and hotel in Scottsdale, Ariz., for a four-day conference was paid by the James B. Hunt Jr. Institute of North Carolina, a nonprofit education policy group. Palin received the same free trip as dozens of other governors invited over the years to attend the annual summit, institute spokesman April White said.

—A May 2007 overnight visit with her three daughters and her parents attending a family reception at Mt. Chilkoot Lodge in Skagway, Alaska, was paid for by friend and former deputy campaign treasurer Kathy Hosford, one of the lodge’s owners.

“We weren’t open and it was just on a friendship basis,” Hosford said.

The Palins used two suites valued at $150 each, said Sharon Leighow, a spokeswoman in the governor’s office.

The same day Palin visited Skagway, executives of the Anchorage-based VECO Inc. pleaded guilty to offering bribes to five legislators. Palin, mingling with old family friends and town residents, spoke briefly with local reporters during her visit, calling the corruption developments “atrocious” and promising change.

“There are problems in state government,” Palin told The Skagway News, “and on our watch it is our responsibility to show people that we are going to clean things up.”

Persily, who said he left Palin’s administration because he didn’t enjoy working in Washington, said Palin is skillful in “attacking the ‘good ol’ boys.’ The good ol’ boys that Palin is talking about are those that can’t help her politically.”

Democratic state Rep. Mike Doogan said Palin, even as she bends or breaks the rules herself, acts as if she invented ethics in Alaska.

“It’s insulting to those of us who have always done the right thing,” he said.

By Brett J. Blackledge, Justin Pritchard

Child on her 88th birthday in 2000.

WASHINGTON – Before Julia Child became known to the world as a leading chef, she admitted at least one failing when applying for a job as a spy: impulsiveness.

At 28 as an advertising manager at W&J Sloane furniture store in Beverly Hills, Calif., Child clashed with new store managers and left her job abruptly.

“I made a tactical error and was out,” she explained in a handwritten note attached to her application to join the Office of Strategic Services, a World War II-era spy agency. “However, I learned a lot about advertising and wish I had been older and more experienced so that I could have handled the situation, as it was a most interesting position.”

Child was not yet married and was applying for the job under her maiden name, McWilliams, according to previously top-secret records released by the National Archives on last week. She was hired in the summer of 1942 for clerical work with the intelligence agency and later worked directly for OSS Director William Donovan, the personnel records show.

Details about Child’s background and nearly 24,000 other OSS employees are revealed in the newly released documents, withheld from public view as classified records for decades by the CIA.

The 750,000 documents identify the vast spy network managed by the OSS, which later became the CIA. President Franklin Roosevelt created the OSS, the country’s first centralized intelligence operation.

The OSS files offer details about other agents, including Supreme Court Justice Arthur Goldberg, major league catcher Moe Berg, historian Arthur Schlesinger Jr. and film actor Sterling Hayden.

Other notables identified in the files include John Hemingway, son of author Ernest Hemingway; Kermit Roosevelt, son of President Theodore Roosevelt; and Miles Copeland, father of Stewart Copeland, drummer for the band The Police.

Some of those like Child on the list have been identified previously as having worked for the OSS, but their personnel records never have been available before. Those records would show why they were hired, jobs they were assigned to and perhaps even missions they pursued while working for the agency.

The release of the OSS personnel files unmasks one of the last secrets from the short-lived wartime intelligence agency, which for the most part was later folded into the CIA after President Truman disbanded it in 1945.

“I think it’s terrific,” said Elizabeth McIntosh, 93, a former OSS agent now living in Woodbridge, Va. “They’ve finally, after all these years, they’ve gotten the names out. All of these people had been told never to mention they were with the OSS.”

The CIA long resisted releasing the records. But a former CIA director, William Casey, himself an OSS veteran, cleared the way for transfer of millions of OSS documents to the National Archives when he took over the spy agency in 1981. The personnel files are the latest documents to be made public.

Information about OSS involvement was so guarded that relatives often could not confirm a family member’s work with the group.

Walter Mess, who handled covert OSS operations in Poland and North Africa, said he kept quiet for more than 50 years, only recently telling his wife of 62 years about his OSS activity.

“I was told to keep my mouth shut,” said Mess, now 93 and living in Falls Church, Va.

The files provide new information even for those most familiar with the agency. Charles Pinck, president of the OSS Society created by former OSS agents and their relatives, said the nearly 24,000 employees included in the archives far exceed previous estimates of 13,000.

The newly released documents will clarify these and other issues, said William Cunliffe, an archivist who has worked extensively with the OSS records at the National Archives.

“We’re saying the OSS was a lot bigger than they were saying,” he said.

———

ON THE WEB

CIA OSS page: http://tinyurl.com/6bvmhf

Index to National Archives OSS personnel files: http://www.archives.gov/ research/arc/

By Brett J. Blackledge, Randy Herschaft

Details of Julia Child’s spy activity released

Famed chef Julia Child shared a secret with Supreme Court Justice Arthur Goldberg and Chicago White Sox catcher Moe Berg at a time when the Nazis threatened the world.

Before Julia Child became known to the world as a leading chef, she admitted at least one failing when applying for a job as a spy: impulsiveness.

At 28 as an advertising manager at W&J Sloane furniture store in Beverly Hills, Calif., Child clashed with new store managers and left her job abruptly.

“I made a tactical error and was out,” she explained in a handwritten note attached to her application to join the Office of Strategic Services, a World War II-era spy agency. “However, I learned a lot about advertising and wish I had been older and more experienced so that I could have handled the situation, as it was a most interesting position.”

Child was not yet married and was applying for the job under her maiden name, McWilliams, according to previously top-secret records released by the National Archives on Thursday. She was hired in the summer of 1942 for clerical work with the intelligence agency and later worked directly for OSS Director William Donovan, the personnel records show.

Details about Child’s background and nearly 24,000 other OSS employees are revealed in the newly released documents, withheld from public view as classified records for decades by the CIA.

The 750,000 documents identify the vast spy network managed by the OSS, which later became the CIA. President Franklin Roosevelt created the OSS, the country’s first centralized intelligence operation.

The OSS files offer details about other agents, including Supreme Court Justice Arthur Goldberg, major league catcher Moe Berg, historian Arthur Schlesinger Jr. and film actor Sterling Hayden.

Other notables identified in the files include John Hemingway, son of author Ernest Hemingway; Kermit Roosevelt, son of President Theodore Roosevelt; and Miles Copeland, father of Stewart Copeland, drummer for the band The Police.

They were soldiers, actors, historians, lawyers, athletes, professors, reporters. But for several years during World War II, they were known simply as the OSS. They studied military plans, created propaganda, infiltrated enemy ranks and stirred resistance among foreign troops.

Some of those like Child on the list have been identified previously as having worked for the OSS, but their personnel records never have been available before. Those records would show why they were hired, jobs they were assigned to and perhaps even missions they pursued while working for the agency.

Among the more than 35,000 OSS personnel files are applications, commendations and handwritten notes identifying young recruits who, like Child, Goldberg and Berg, earned greater acclaim in other fields — Arthur Schlesinger Jr., a historian and special assistant to President Kennedy; Sterling Hayden, a film and television actor whose work included a role in “The Godfather”; and Thomas Braden, an author whose “Eight Is Enough” book inspired the 1970s television series.

The release of the OSS personnel files unmasks one of the last secrets from the short-lived wartime intelligence agency, which for the most part was later folded into the CIA after President Truman disbanded it in 1945.

“I think it’s terrific,” said Elizabeth McIntosh, 93, a former OSS agent now living in Woodbridge, Va. “They’ve finally, after all these years, they’ve gotten the names out. All of these people had been told never to mention they were with the OSS.”

The CIA long resisted releasing the records. But a former CIA director, William Casey, himself an OSS veteran, cleared the way for transfer of millions of OSS documents to the National Archives when he took over the spy agency in 1981. The personnel files are the latest documents to be made public.

Information about OSS involvement was so guarded that relatives often could not confirm a family member’s work with the group.

Walter Mess, who handled covert OSS operations in Poland and North Africa, said he kept quiet for more than 50 years, only recently telling his wife of 62 years about his OSS activity.

“I was told to keep my mouth shut,” said Mess, now 93 and living in Falls Church, Va.

The files provide new information even for those most familiar with the agency. Charles Pinck, president of the OSS Society created by former OSS agents and their relatives, said the nearly 24,000 employees included in the archives far exceed previous estimates of 13,000.

The newly released documents will clarify these and other issues, said William Cunliffe, an archivist who has worked extensively with the OSS records at the National Archives.

“We’re saying the OSS was a lot bigger than they were saying,” he said.

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Who’s a spy?

Search a database of 24,000 who spied for the OSS during World War II.

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On the Web

CIA OSS page: http://tinyurl.com/6bvmhf

Index to National Archives OSS personnel files: www.archives.gov/research/arc

By Brett J. Blackledge, Randy Herschaft

WASHINGTON – Famed chef Julia Child shared a secret with Supreme Court Justice Arthur Goldberg and Chicago White Sox catcher Moe Berg at a time when the Nazis threatened the world.

They served in an international spy ring managed by the Office of Strategic Services, an early version of the CIA created in World War II by President Franklin Roosevelt.

The secret comes out Thursday, all of the names and previously classified files identifying nearly 24,000 spies who formed the first centralized intelligence effort by the United States. The National Archives, which this week released a list of the names found in the records, will make available for the first time all 750,000 pages identifying the vast spy network of military and civilian operatives.

They were soldiers, actors, historians, lawyers, athletes, professors, reporters. But for several years during World War II, they were known simply as the OSS. They studied military plans, created propaganda, infiltrated enemy ranks and stirred resistance among foreign troops.

Among the more than 35,000 OSS personnel files are applications, commendations and handwritten notes identifying young recruits who, like Child, Goldberg and Berg, earned greater acclaim in other fields — Arthur Schlesinger Jr., a historian and special assistant to President Kennedy; Sterling Hayden, a film and television actor whose work included a role in “The Godfather”; and Thomas Braden, an author whose “Eight Is Enough” book inspired the 1970s television series.

Other notables identified in the files include John Hemingway, son of author Ernest Hemingway; Quentin and Kermit Roosevelt, sons of President Theodore Roosevelt, and Miles Copeland, father of Stewart Copeland, drummer for the band The Police.

The release of the OSS personnel files uncloaks one of the last secrets from the short-lived wartime intelligence agency, which for the most part later was folded into the CIA after President Truman disbanded it in 1945.

“I think it’s terrific,” said Elizabeth McIntosh, 93, a former OSS agent now living in Woodbridge, Va. “They’ve finally, after all these years, they’ve gotten the names out. All of these people had been told never to mention they were with the OSS.”

The CIA had resisted releasing OSS records for decades. But former CIA Director William Casey, himself an OSS veteran, cleared the way for transfer of millions of OSS documents to the National Archives when he took over the agency in 1981. The personnel files are the latest to be made public.

Information about OSS involvement was so guarded that relatives often couldn’t confirm a family member’s work with the group.

Walter Mess, who handled covert OSS operations in Poland and North Africa, said he kept quiet for more than 50 years, only recently telling his wife of 62 years about his OSS activity.

“I was told to keep my mouth shut,” said Mess, now 93 and living in Falls Church, Va.

The files will offer new information even for those most familiar with the agency. Charles Pinck, president of the OSS Society created by former OSS agents and their relatives, said the nearly 24,000 employees included in the archives far exceeds previous estimates of 13,000.

The newly released documents will clarify these and other issues, said William Cunliffe, an archivist who has worked extensively with the OSS records at the National Archives.

“We’re saying the OSS was a lot bigger than they were saying,” Cunliffe said.

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On the Web

CIA OSS page: tinyurl.com/6bvmhf

Index to National Archives OSS personnel files: archives.gov/research

By Brett J. Blackledge, Randy Herschaft